Download After the Nation?: Critical Reflections on Nationalism and by Shane O'Neill, Keith Breen PDF

By Shane O'Neill, Keith Breen

Explores the ways that the geographical region and nationalism are challenged through modern realities. This quantity addresses changes to our knowing of nationwide sovereignty, difficulties posed by way of violent clash among rival nationwide tasks, the feasibility of postnationalist democracy and citizenship, and the controversy over worldwide justice.

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Extra resources for After the Nation?: Critical Reflections on Nationalism and Postnationalism (International Political Theory)

Example text

Through the struggles of mainly indigenous peoples, linguistic and cultural rights are now seen as acceptable parts of the compromise necessary to reach equitable forms of governance. In an ideal world, the problem of stateless nations could be resolved by the reorganization of nation-states into multination-states with enshrined collective rights for all participant cultural communities. The National Cultural Autonomy (NCA) model and consociationalism use this organizational logic in deeply divided societies when the abodes of constituent cultural communities overlap.

When cultural grievances become entangled with territorial disputes they become bitter, protracted, bloody, and extremely difficult to resolve. Cultural-territorial conflicts are classic zero-sum situations: the gain of one is by definition a loss for the other. In the contemporary world it is impossible to find sufficient portions of ‘real estate’ to allow for each and every cultural community to have a territorial state of their own (see Dion, 1996). The UN Charter offers contradictory advice here: on the one hand, it sees the right of selfdetermination as the right to constitute separate states, but, on the other hand, it opposes the dismemberment of its members (Musgrave, 2000).

Some indicated that the four were small and argued (this time in agreement with Lijphart) that small places were advantageous for consociational institutions. However, a feature of the four cases that has been less often noticed is that none of them involved a dispute over self-determination, at least not when Lijphart was developing his theory (Belgian politics has since become focused on self-determination, which is why it is now federal as well as consociational). The Netherlands – the most important case informing the development of consociational theory, Lijphart’s home, and the focus of his first book – was divided along religious lines between Catholics and Protestants and between Christians and secularists.

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