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Additional info for Arab Nationalism and National Socialist Germany
The problem here is not one of taxonomic differentiation between an anti-communal nationalist who happened to be a devoted Hindu, or one for whom nationalism was to be largely defined by a Hindu ‘ethos’ and ‘spirit’, to a nationalist for whom India had to become a Hindu nation-state. The difficulties are present because ‘religious’ and ‘non-religious’ nationalist tendencies shared considerable epistemic space, and both of them can be opposed to a genuine secularism that was fleetingly glimpsed.
The potential, in both the Bengal and Maharashtrian cases, that a distinctly regional nationalism could conflict with an Indian nationalism was one consequential dynamic. As important in both cases is how a regional nationalism became inextricably linked both to the political formation of upper (especially brahmin) castes and to the invigoration of Hindu traditions and symbols in the service of an ‘Indian’ nationalism and against colonial rule. Similarly, in both cases, one can see the transfiguration of symbols of Hindu religious devotionalism – the religious pantheon – into a nationalist pantheon.
During the 1880s, Rajnarain also became preoccupied with Aryanism as the basis of Hindu nationality (Sen 1993: 57). The dominant Brahmo emphasis on Hindu ‘degeneration’ and reforms in caste, widow remarriage, idolatry, overseas travel, untouchability, and child brides was rearticulated by Rajnarain through a gradualist and conservative reformism based on a ‘return’ to glorious, ancient Hindu or Aryan traditions that, it was claimed, upheld no distinction between religion, society, culture, civilization and nationality.