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By M. Şükrü Hanioğlu

When Mustafa Kemal Atatürk grew to become the 1st president of Turkey in 1923, he set approximately reworking his state right into a secular republic the place nationalism sanctified by way of science--and via the character cult Atatürk created round himself--would reign very best because the new faith. This publication offers the 1st in-depth examine the highbrow lifetime of the Turkish Republic's founder. In doing so, it frames him in the historic context of the turbulent age within which he lived, and explores the uneasy transition from the past due Ottoman imperial order to the trendy Turkish nation via his lifestyles and ideas.

laying off mild on the most complicated and enigmatic statesmen of the trendy period, M. Sükrü Hanioglu takes readers from Atatürk's formative years as a Muslim boy within the risky ethnic cauldron of Macedonia, to his schooling in nonreligious and army faculties, to his embody of Turkish nationalism and the modernizing younger Turks circulate. Who used to be this determine who sought glory as an formidable younger officer in global warfare I, defied the positive Allies reason on partitioning the Turkish heartland, and defeated the final sultan? Hanioglu charts Atatürk's highbrow and ideological improvement at each degree of his existence, demonstrating how he used to be profoundly prompted via the hot rules that have been circulating within the sprawling Ottoman realm. He exhibits how Atatürk drew on a special mixture of scientism, materialism, social Darwinism, positivism, and different theories to style a grand utopian framework on which to construct his new nation.

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10 For centuries the Muslim component of the Ottoman Empire had lived a life on the edge, ready to march into battle at a moment’s notice. Moreover, a strict distinction between civil and military spheres did not exist in an empire in which the reality of incessant warfare made military commanders the natural leaders of society. And yet, though army and navy commanders served as cabinet ministers and could become grand viziers, the military as an institution was sidelined in the formulation of policy—until, as Colmar von der Goltz, Denkwürdigkeiten (Berlin: E.

5, 85. 31 Ibid. 32 Most did not consider these institutions a serious alternative for the education of their children. The military preparatory schools had a curriculum that was modern, though not radically so. They taught French, but also Arabic and Persian. They emphasized mathematics, drawing, and gymnastics, but also some religious subjects. In a sense, they represented a hybrid of classical Ottoman education and modern French schooling. Still, the founders of these schools clearly intended to prepare their pupils for modern life, and the concessions to religion were made primarily to avoid controversy.

17 To some extent this xenophobic approach to military reform reflected Mustafa Kemal’s pro “Subay ve Kumandan ile Konuşmalar,” in Atatürk᾽ün Bütün Eserleri, vol. 1, 1903–1915 (Istanbul: Kaynak Yayınları, 1998), 169. , 163; and Afetinan [Âfet İnan], “Atatürk᾽ü Dinledim,” Belleten 14/56 (October 1950): 508. 17 Atatürk᾽ün Anıları: “Büyük Gazimizin Büyük Hayatından Hatıralar,” ed. İsmet Görgülü (Ankara: Bilgi Yayınevi, 1997), 28–29. 15 das volk in waffen 39 found admiration for the Japanese, whose victory over Russia was perceived at the time as the triumph of indigenous modernization over the West.

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